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RPV Analysis and Asian-American Voting in the San Gabriel Valley: CA-27

RPV Analysis and Asian-American Voting

in the San Gabriel Valley: CA-27

By Dr. Christian R. Grose and Dr. Natalie Masuoka

Executive Summary

  • CA-27 is an Asian-American-ability-to-elect district where Asian-American voters cohesively support Asian-American candidates of choice. Asian-American voters cohesively support Asian candidates of choice in CA-27. Support for Asian-American candidates of choice exists across most, though not all, Asian national origin groups in the San Gabriel Valley and in CA-27. On balance, Asian-American voters – and specific national origin groups such as Chinese-Americans – are cohesive in support for Asian-American candidates in CA-27. On the other hand, there are two national origin groups – Indian-Americans and Vietnamese-Americans – who show some evidence of lack of cohesion with other Asian-American voters in support of Asian candidates of choice in CA-27.

  • There is evidence of racial polarization between Asian-American voters and non-Hispanic white voters in CA-27 and in the San Gabriel Valley. We looked at congressional elections and statewide elections featuring Asian-American candidates in CA-27. In these elections within CA-27, Asian-American voters often vote in contrast to non-Hispanic white voters. Slight majorities of non-Hispanic white voters often vote against the Asian-American candidate of choice supported by Asian-American voters.

CA-27 is in the San Gabriel Valley, which is east of the city of Los Angeles in southern California. This region is mostly in the eastern part of Los Angeles County. The San Gabriel Valley is home to significant Asian-American communities and Latino communities. CA-27 is the second largest percent-Asian district in California and the largest in southern California (39% Asian-American population, 2020 census; 35% Asian-American citizen-voting age population).

RPV Analysis of CA-27 U.S. House Elections

The CA-27 district primarily includes voters in the San Gabriel Valley, but geographically includes a very rural section of Los Angeles County, including the Angeles National Forest in the northern part of the district. Most of CA-27’s population lies west and east of neighboring district CA-32. The district is currently represented by an Asian-American Democrat.

To assess if racially polarized voting is present in CA-27, we examine general election contests in 2018 and 2020 for U.S. House. In 2020, the Democrat was the incumbent up for reelection against a Republican challenger Republican. The final vote for the district in 2020 was in favor of the incumbent, 69.8% to 30.2%. In 2018, the same incumbent up for reelection against a Democratic challenger. Again, the sitting congresswoman won reelection, 79.2%, to 20.8%.

Cohesive Asian-American Support for the Asian-American Candidate of Choice in CA-27

Tables 1 and 2 below show the results of racially polarized voting analyses in CA-27, and reveal that the incumbent was the candidate of choice of Asian-American voters in both 2018 and 2020. The analyses also show that the majority of all major racial and ethnic groups in the district favored the Asian- American candidate of choice in 2018, but not in 2020.

There is cohesive and large support from Asian-American voters and Latino voters for the congresswoman. Table 1 shows that in 2018, she received 84% of the Asian-American vote and 84% of the Latino vote. The non-Hispanic white vote was more split, with just 52% of non-Hispanic white voters voting for the incumbent in 2018. Since all three groups favored her, this implies there is not racial polarization. On the other hand, there is a very wide gap between support for the congresswoman by Asian-American voters and Latino voters; and almost half of non-Hispanic white voters preferred the challenger. This suggests some level of polarization does seem to exist between white voters and Asian-American voters in CA-27.

Table 2 shows RPV analyses for CA-27 in the 2020 U.S. House election. In this election, a slight majority of non-Hispanic white voters supported the white challenger over the Asian candidate of choice. Latino voters voted in coalition with Asian-American voters wo support the incumbent at very high levels (81%). Table 2 suggests there is racial polarization in CA-27, which means that there is a need to draw an Asian-American-ability-to-elect district in the San Gabriel Valley in the 2022 redistricting process. Because Asian-American voters are cohesive and voting in opposition sometimes to non-Hispanic white voters, there is a need for an Asian-American ability-to-elect district

RPV Analyses for Asian-American Candidates of Choice in CA-27 in Statewide Elections

In addition to the U.S. House elections, we also estimated RPV in two statewide elections that featured Asian-American candidates of choice: State Treasurer and State Controller in 2018. We estimate support for these two candidates by looking only at voters within CA-27 for additional evidence. These RPV analyses are in Table 3 and Table 4.

Asian-American voters in CA-27 are cohesive in their support for Asian-American candidates of choice for Ma (73%) and Yee (77%). Latino voters also cohesively supported the Asian-American candidates of choice at very high levels. Non-Hispanic white voters, as similarly observed in recent U.S. House elections, split their vote between the Asian candidates of choice and the opposing white candidates. A slight majority of non-Hispanic white voters voted in opposition to the Asian-American candidates of choice. Given this RPV, there is a need for an Asian-ability-to-elect district in the area of CA-27.

Californians are finally acknowledging Asians are ‘frequently’ discriminated against, survey shows (LA Times)

The recognition in the past year of growing animus toward Asian Americans is one of the key findings of the survey, which was commissioned by community groups and conducted in consultation with The Times. The shift in attitudes spans the time period since George Floyd’s death and the spate of attacks targeting Asian Americans nationwide.

亞裔不再忍!疾呼跨族裔立法對抗仇恨犯罪 (World Journal)

記者王全秀子/洛杉磯報導 2021-04-10 02:16

「在過去的14個月中,美國遭遇史無前例的公共衛生危機,而最近幾周亞太裔社區面臨一系列仇恨犯罪暴力事件,也許疫情即將結束,但整個亞太裔社區受到歧視的情況可能變得更糟糕,暴力程度也有所增加」,亞美政聯(CAUSE)9日聯合民選官員和社團領袖舉行在線會議,強烈譴責種族主義的仇恨犯罪,以及探討立法者採取的措施。

亞美政聯主席胡澤群(Charlie Woo)表示,亞太裔社區面臨的現況已經變得無法忍受。他希望民眾聚集在一起抗議,以引起對這個問題的關注並尋求幫助。

胡澤群強調,「這不是亞裔美國人的問題,而是美國人民共同的問題」。美國必須團結起來應對這場危機,亞美政聯目前聯合非裔社區、猶太人社區等多個跨族裔和跨文化背景社區領袖教育民眾,消除造成種族主義者的無知。他們一直在加州進行民意測驗,重點針對有色人種,以便更好地理解對疫情的反應、或對種族的感受以及對彼此的態度。此外亞美政聯日前與猶太人司法中心發表聯合聲明,與社區民眾站在一起,共同面對挑戰。

聯邦參議員帕迪拉(Alex Padilla)強烈譴責針對任何人的仇恨犯罪,尤其是針對亞太裔社區,種族主義和仇恨犯罪最近呈上升趨勢,在任何地方,任何時間,任何地方都不應該出現。

帕迪拉表示,在全國各地的許多社區中,太多的亞太裔成員受到騷擾或人身攻擊而沒有引起重視,他希望大家勇敢站出來發聲。同時他也和參議員同仁聲援亞太裔社區立法,近日已簽署的一項具體法案,將明確表示在美國的任何地方都不會容忍仇恨和種族主義,他們正在推進一項法案,譴責一切形式的反亞裔的歧視。

聯邦眾議員劉雲平(Ted Lieu)分享自己來自移民家庭的故事,他提到,因為新冠疫情,導致亞裔再次成為被攻擊的對象。根據報告,去年全美的16個主要城市中,針對亞裔美國人的仇恨犯罪率飆升約150%,他認為,提高民眾認識和釋放資源也很重要,針對那些製造仇恨犯罪者提起訴訟更很重要。目前他正在與國會議員同仁合作,更改標準,在聯邦一級以及地方轄區為檢察官調查人員投入更多資源,仇恨犯罪聯邦法院控訴。值得慶幸的是,拜登總統已經直接簽署一項行政命令,投入更多資源用於打擊針對亞裔的仇恨犯罪,以及包括司法部在內的聯邦機構。

亞太政策與計劃顧問委員會主任Manjusha Kulkarni表示,根據統計超過70%的歧視事件是語言歧視,以及人身攻擊,公民權益受損。他們收到的報告中有68%來自女性,其他目標群體包括弱勢群體,如老年人和青少年佔10% 。她認為改變現狀需對受害者法律援助,以及社區教育和改變政策。

Giants Honor Asian American Grandmother Attacked in San Francisco (NBC Bay Area)

By Jean Elle

The Giants home opener Friday was more than a baseball game for a San Francisco family recovering from a violent attack.

The Giants organization invited assault victim Xiao Zhen Xie, also known as “Grandma Xie” to enjoy the game in a suite.

San Francisco City Supervisor Matt Haney visited with her at the game. He is applauding the Giants for not only hosting Grandma Xie, but also for standing with her and the Asian American Pacific Islander community.

He said it is telling fans everyone is welcome at Oracle Park.

“They made it clear at the start of the game that this is an inclusive space they don't tolerate racism or hatred of any kind,” he said.

As professional sports teams speak up against rising hate crimes Against the AAPI community, California lawmakers are raising awareness and toughening hate crime laws.

During a virtual town hall Friday, U.S. Senator Alex Padilla says he expects to call on the Senate to vote against hate later this month.

“We're advancing a resolution that condemns all forms of anti-Asian discrimination and calls on federal officials to address the rise in COVID-19 hate crimes,” he said.

Congressman Ted Lieu said he is introducing legislation to make it easier to file federal hate crime charges.

“It changes the standard to say you can charge a hate crime at the federal level if race or another protected class was a contributing factor in defendants commission of the crime,” Padilla said. From congress to sporting events, It’s a united front against hate.

Asian American, Pacific Islander community leaders in LA urge action against hate crimes

Image from iOS (1).jpg

LOS ANGELES (KABC) -- One of the ugly trends during the pandemic has been the increase in hate crimes against the Asian American and Pacific Islander communities. There have been cases caught on video of physical and verbal assaults.

"The number of hate incidents in this country continues to grow both in numbers as well as severity," said Connie Chung Joe with the group Asian Americans Advancing Justice.

According to the Center for the Study of Hate and Extremism at Cal State San Bernardino, from 2019 to 2020, hate crimes against Asian Americans in Los Angeles more than doubled, from seven in 2019 to 15 in 2020.

Overall hate crime during the same period went up 9%. Advocacy groups gathered near downtown L.A. Friday calling for action to prevent crimes.

They point out it's something all of us can do by watching out for one another.

"I think it's about educating ourselves about each other, including each other in our community and understanding that we are here," said Nancy Yap with the Center for Asian Americans United for Self Empowerment. "We've been here and we're part of our neighborhoods. "

The advocates say they want the next state attorney general to be a member of the Asian American and Pacific Islander community.

They're also offering resources such as mental health and legal help to hate crime victims.

One of the things the group suggested we all do is simply reach out and get to know one another.

Little Tokyo watched out for the neighborhood (Downtown Los Angeles News)

Little Tokyo watched out for the neighborhood (Downtown Los Angeles News)

As businesses partially reopen and the vaccine rollout mounts under the new presidential administration, community leaders around Los Angeles are reflecting on their efforts to provide pandemic relief and support around the city.

In Little Tokyo, the conclusion of a few landmark projects has shown the power of those efforts to maintain the neighborhood spirit that binds workers, residents, businesses and institutions through these isolating times.

Two Little Tokyo leaders in particular, Nancy Yap and James Choi, spearheaded the successful Community Feeding Community Program, which provides meals to in-need hospitality and service workers.

亞美政聯2020年 反映亞裔在疫情中受到的仇恨 (World Journal)

記者王若然/洛杉磯報導 2020-12-16 22:31

左上、右上、下分別為亞美政聯執行主任Nancy Yap,長堤市(Long Beach)市議員賽洛(Suely Saro)、醫生貝森斯(Jasmeet Basins)。(視頻截圖)

左上、右上、下分別為亞美政聯執行主任Nancy Yap,長堤市(Long Beach)市議員賽洛(Suely Saro)、醫生貝森斯(Jasmeet Basins)。(視頻截圖)

亞美政聯(CAUSE)16日舉辦線上會議,回顧2020年的經歷和成果,展望2021年需要做的努力,並請來多位亞裔政界領袖分享經驗;在2020年,亞美政聯聯合成員積極組織對話,做了很多調查問卷,將亞裔在疫情中受到的仇恨犯罪反映出來。

會議上播放了伊利諾伊州(Illinois)聯邦參議員Tammy Duckworth,加州國會眾議員劉雲平(Ted Lieu),新上任的加州國會眾議員金映玉(Young Kim)的視頻。他們都對亞美政聯過去一年的成果表達讚賞,並對其未來給予祝福。

當天會議請來兩位亞美政聯成員分享2020年的經歷,一位是剛宣誓成為長堤市(Long Beach)歷史上第一個柬埔寨裔市議員的賽洛(Suely Saro),以及醫生貝森斯(Jasmeet Basins)。

貝森斯說,在2019年加入亞美政聯後,讓她更多地會想到專業領域之外的層面。尤其是在疫情期間,讓她思考健保政策對民眾的意義,疫情期間病床位減少,讓她質疑,為何美國作為發達國家,在這種關鍵時刻無法保障足夠的床位。

賽洛說,基於對自己及其他族裔的責任心讓她決定競選市議員。在競選之初,很多人認為她不可能贏得競選,但是她遵循內心堅持下去,結果大贏競爭者20%票數。賽洛小時候跟隨父母從柬埔寨移民美國,她的父母當時為了逃離大屠殺,從泰國難民營來到南加州。

亞美政聯主席胡澤群(Charlie Woo)感謝了一路給予支持的贊助商和支持者們,稱亞美政聯將會繼續為爭取政治平等等事宜努力。

亞美政聯執行主任Nancy Yap總結說,在2020年,亞美政聯聯合成員積極組織對話,做了很多調查問卷,將亞裔在疫情中受到的仇恨犯罪反映出來。此外,還為年輕亞裔提供公共服務方面的指導和鍛鍊機會。

2021年,亞美政聯還會繼續這些工作,組織更多跨文化對話,聯合其他族裔一起制定對策,並提供更多可以反映現實的數據。

Failure to bridge divides of age, race doomed affirmative action proposition (LA Times)

The UCLA campus in Westwood is seen in February 2019. Concerns over admissions to UCLA and UC Berkeley drove much of the recent debate over whether to reinstate affirmative action in California.(Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times)

The UCLA campus in Westwood is seen in February 2019. Concerns over admissions to UCLA and UC Berkeley drove much of the recent debate over whether to reinstate affirmative action in California.

(Kent Nishimura / Los Angeles Times)

Widespread skepticism in Latino and Asian communities and tepid support among younger Black residents combined with opposition from most whites to doom the effort this year to revive affirmative action in California, according to a new postelection survey.

The failure of Proposition 16, which voters rejected by 57% to 43%, marked a significant defeat for the state’s Democratic political leadership and many activist groups, which backed the Legislature’s move to put the proposal on this year’s ballot.

The findings of the survey provide the clearest evidence so far of the disconnect between those political leaders and many of their ostensible followers on an issue that has been a touchstone in the state’s political debates for years.

The survey, conducted by a coalition of community organizations, shows widespread support across racial and ethnic lines for diversity in education, public employment and contracting. At the same time, it showed broad skepticism about allowing government officials to use race, ethnicity or gender in making decisions.

On two other topics, the survey showed how attitudes toward the COVID-19 pandemic have grown more politically divided as the state heads into a period of renewed restrictions designed to limit the spread of the disease.

And it indicated that awareness and concern about racial and ethnic discrimination in the state has receded since reaching a high point this summer.

Asked how often they personally felt discriminated against because of their race or ethnicity, about one-third of Latino respondents said they experienced discrimination “frequently” or “sometimes.” That’s down from nearly half when the poll asked the same question in July.

The finding “reaffirms that these issues are difficult and complicated, and people just don’t have the bandwidth” to focus constantly on discrimination, especially when the impact of COVID dominates so many peoples’ lives, said Helen Torres, executive director of Hispanas Organized for Political Equality (HOPE), one of the sponsors of the survey.

“It’s hard to sustain for the long term,” she said.

The share of Asian and Pacific Islander respondents who reported feeling discriminated against showed a similar decline since July. The share of Black respondents who reported feeling discriminated against did not significantly decline.

The California Community Poll, conducted online Nov. 4-15, was designed to provide a more detailed view of the state’s racial and ethnic diversity than is typically possible. It surveyed 1,300 adult California citizens, with over-samples of Black, Latino and Asian Pacific Islander respondents in order to ensure enough in each group to allow analysis by age, gender and other characteristics.

The margin of error is estimated at 2.7 percentage points for the full sample. The poll is sponsored by three community organizations — the Center for Asian Americans United for Self Empowerment (CAUSE), the Los Angeles Urban League and HOPE.

California banned most government affirmative action programs nearly a quarter century ago, in 1996, when voters approved Proposition 209. Since then, overturning the ban has been a major goal for many Democratic lawmakers and state officials, especially at the University of California, where deans and chancellors have repeatedly said that their inability to take race into account in admissions has kept the number of Latino and Black students well below their share of high school graduates who meet UC eligibility standards.

But as the poll showed, many Californians have more mixed feelings on the subject than their elected officials do.

The results show “a limit on California’s liberalism” that “requires some examination of the progressive base,” said Drew Lieberman, senior vice president of Strategies 360, the polling firm that conducted the survey.

Two-thirds of the California adults surveyed said they believe “diverse representation based on race, gender, ethnicity and national origin” is important, with about 4 in 10 calling it “very important.”

That’s true across major ethnic and racial groups and among both voters and nonvoters, the survey found. About 6 in 10 white respondents said they considered diversity important, along with about 7 in 10 who identify as Latino or Asian or Pacific Islanders. Among Black respondents, the share rose to more than 8 in 10.

But that didn’t translate into support for affirmative action. Among Latino respondents, for example, only 30% said Proposition 16 was a good idea, compared with 41% who called it a bad idea and 29% who said they were unsure. The division was similar among Asian and Pacific Islander respondents, with 35% calling the proposition a good idea, 46% saying it was a bad idea and 20% unsure.

White respondents were slightly more opposed, with 32% calling the measure a good idea, 53% a bad idea and 15% unsure.

Only among Black respondents did the proposition get majority support, with 56% calling it a good idea, 19% a bad idea and 25% unsure.

The views of voters and nonvoters were very similar, suggesting that higher turnout would probably not have changed the results.

Roughly a third of those polled could be characterized as solid supporters of affirmative action — people who said that diversity is important and the ballot measure was a good idea. On the other side, just over 1 in 5 say diversity is not important to them and that the ballot measure was a bad idea.

Another 1 in 5 say diversity is important but that the proposal was a bad idea. The members of that swing group are more likely than others to describe themselves as moderates and to be suburbanites.

Since the election, some supporters of the ballot measure have speculated that voters may have been confused about its potential impact. The survey does not support that. After asking people their opinion, the survey gave a more extensive description of the ballot measure and retested people’s feelings on it. The additional information did not significantly change people’s views.

In each of the state’s major racial and ethnic groups, the survey found significant divisions.

Immigrants, for example, were more likely to reject affirmative action than were people born in the U.S. That contributed to a significant generation gap among Asian Pacific Islander respondents, with those older than 50 — an immigrant-heavy group — opposed to affirmative action by roughly 3 to 1, while those younger than 50 were narrowly favorable. The poll found a smaller generational divide among Latino respondents.

“Many immigrants came to this country for equal opportunities” and are suspicious about preferences for specific groups, said Charlie Woo, the board chairman of CAUSE.

The survey also found Chinese American respondents more strongly opposed than other Asian Pacific Islander groups, with people who identified as Chinese describing the ballot measure as a bad idea by roughly a 2-to-1 margin. Opponents of the ballot measure argued that Asian American students would lose spots in the state’s premier universities if affirmative action were restored, an argument that was widely heard by Chinese Americans.

The poll results clearly showed “the impact of the concerns around public education,” said Nancy Yap, CAUSE’s executive director.

Among white respondents, people younger than 50 were almost evenly divided on affirmative action, while those 50 and older were heavily opposed.

Among Black respondents, the opposite was true: Older people overwhelmingly supported affirmative action; younger ones were more closely divided.

For the older generation, the impact of affirmative action “is clear,” said Michael Lawson, president of the Los Angeles Urban League. “The younger generation, who didn’t live through the elimination of affirmative action, they didn’t understand” the implications.

“If we’re going to eliminate Proposition 209,” he added, “it’s going to have to be a longer tale” than is possible in a ballot campaign.

On several topics, including affirmative action, the survey found wide gaps along partisan and ideological lines. That was particularly true on questions related to the coronavirus.

Overall, the survey showed a “widening partisan gap” in the state on responding to the virus, said Ben Winston of Strategies 360. The attitudes of liberal Californians and Democrats have largely remained the same since earlier this year, but conservatives and Republicans have shifted significantly toward opposing restrictions on commerce, supporting a full opening of schools and downplaying the impact of the disease.

In July, for example, about one-third of Republicans in the survey said they were not worried about themselves or someone in their family coming down with COVID-19. Today, that share has risen to 55%.

“Even as the death toll is mounting,” Winston said, there is “a stark and growing divide between the parties.”

备战大选 加州州务卿:投票站将做好防疫 (Epoch Times)

州务卿帕迪拉表示,如果选民对邮寄选票不放心,有权在选举前(提前投票)或选举日到投票站亲自投票。图为橙县一处投票点。(李梅/大纪元)

州务卿帕迪拉表示,如果选民对邮寄选票不放心,有权在选举前(提前投票)或选举日到投票站亲自投票。图为橙县一处投票点。(李梅/大纪元)

【大纪元2020年10月10日讯】(大纪元记者姜琳达洛杉矶报导)从10月5日起,加州有2,100万选民陆续收到今年总统大选邮寄选票。10月8日(周四),加州州务卿帕迪拉(Alex Padilla)在一场与亚美政联(CAUSE)联合主办的网络记者会上强调,邮寄选票并不是唯一的投票方式,各县都会设立投票站,而且会做好各种防疫措施,让选民可以安全到投票站投票。

在历年的美国选举中,部分选民都会选择用邮寄选票的方式投票。但今年加州州长纽森以中共病毒(COVID-19)为由签署法案,强行向州内所有的注册选民都寄出了邮寄选票,遭到一些民间团体和选民的抵制。

而继威斯康星州、新泽西州、纽约发生了邮寄选票被丢弃、地址姓名印错等事件后,加州洛县也有超过2,000位选民收到缺页的邮寄选票,无权为总统候选人投票。8日,圣贝纳迪诺警方证实,多封邮寄选票被丢弃在南加荒漠中。种种事件的出现,也使越来越多的选民开始质疑邮寄选票的公正性和安全性。

加州州务卿帕迪拉表示,就算收到邮寄选票,并不代表这是今年投票的唯一方式。如果选民对邮寄选票不放心,有权在选举前(提前投票)或选举日到投票站亲自投票。

他说,“今年亲自到投票站投票,就如同去超市的方式发生的改变一样,需要戴着口罩,跟着指示牌,我们会设置好安全距离,并且遵守一切公共卫生指令。投票站的工作人员预期会身穿PPE(个人防护设备)确保自身和他人安全。现场到处都会有大量的洗手液供大家(选民)使用,投票设备也会在每位选民使用后进行擦拭(消毒)。”

收到邮寄选票如何到现场投票?

如果是邮寄选票投票,帕迪拉提醒选民,在寄回选票时不要忘记签名,同时浏览官网 vote.ca.gov,追踪自己寄出的选票动态。

他说:“预计今年选举日投票人数盛况空前”。因此建议选民能尽早用不同方式完成投票。如果已收到邮寄选票的选民,请尽快填完寄出,不要等到最后一天。或者提前投票一开放,就立刻到投票站投票。

那收到了邮寄选票却想要到投票站亲自投票怎么办?帕迪拉说,选民可以到现场投票时带着所收到的邮寄选票,向工作人员证明自己还未投票。但如果没带选票也没关系,系统会识别选民信息,并确保选民尚未投票。

不过他多次强调,加州在邮寄选票方面已经进行了多年,能够处理大量的邮寄选票,邮寄选票也很安全。

邮寄选票问题多

但刚刚过去的一周内,加州各地已经发生多起选民收到多份邮寄选票的问题。就在9日,一名居住在Bakersfield的居民,就曝光收到了3张选票。

美国总统川普早前就多次谴责了通过邮寄投票方式,将使2020年的总统大选成为历史上最不准确、最具欺诈性的选举。

选举监督组织“加州选举诚信项目”(简称EIPCa)呼吁民众,为了避免自己的选票被他人利用、被丢弃,尽可能到投票站投票。最重要的是,投完票后,不要将自己收到的那份邮寄选票随意丢弃在垃圾箱或交由投票站工作人员,要亲自销毁掉。◇#

责任编辑:郑兴

加州州務卿:大選1人只能投1票 (World Journal)

亞美政聯舉行線上會議,呼籲亞太裔社區積極投票。(會議截圖)

亞美政聯舉行線上會議,呼籲亞太裔社區積極投票。(會議截圖)

加州州務卿帕迪拉(Alex Padilla)8日強調,11月3日大選一人只能投一票,不要去投票站親自投票後,再郵寄出通訊選票。

亞美政聯(CAUSE)8日舉行線上會議,邀請加州州務卿帕迪拉(Alex Padilla)及亞太裔社區領袖發聲,鼓勵亞太裔選民在將來臨的選舉積極投票,說明參與投票的重要性、郵寄投票的詳細信息、親自投票的安全性。

帕迪拉表示,每場選舉都很重要,尤其今年是大選年,總統選舉備受關注。他希望每位選民都能參與,以安全、簡單的方式投票,在投票時做好個人防疫衛生防護,對選票的安全性也更該注意。

他說,目前加州許多選民都已收到選票,選民可儘快填妥寄回。如果選擇親自投票的選民,現在就可以到投票站投票,之後電腦系統會馬上更新,標註某人已經投過票。如果投完後在郵箱中發現寄來的通訊選票,可忽略不管。他呼籲,一人只能投一票。

此外,選民如有語言偏好,可提前上網更新,網址:vote.ca.gov。還未來得及登記為選民的民眾,也可以儘快上網登記。

亞美政聯主席胡澤群(Charlie Woo)表示,州務卿向亞太裔社區宣導說明對亞太裔選民的承諾,以及了解語言資源對投票的重要性,因為今年2月他提供了有關選舉的翻譯文宣,對3月初選非常有幫助,此次他再次在亞太裔社區為選民提供資訊,有助於讓選民了解11月的大選,讓大家通過投票改變未來。

除了總統大選外,各地還有諸多民選官員的重要席位,以及關乎民生的各項提案,都需要選民投票決定。加州人口眾多,亞太裔社區人口成長迅速,胡澤群呼籲民眾把握權益,積極投票。

州務卿帕迪拉(Alex Padilla)到亞太裔社區介紹選舉及參與投票的重要性。(會議截圖)

州務卿帕迪拉(Alex Padilla)到亞太裔社區介紹選舉及參與投票的重要性。(會議截圖)

Time running out for Census. Your last chance for 10 years. (AsAmNews)

The 2020 Census presents an important opportunity for Asian/Pacific Islander American (A/PIA) communities to make themselves and their needs known to the federal government.

Now more than ever, it is critical that the United States government not only addresses the needs of our individual communities, but also collects and studies properly disaggregated data to account for the diversity of experiences within the A/PIA coalition.

In a time plagued by disease and a stifled economy, we must encourage completion of the Census to ensure that the most vulnerable and forgotten members of the A/PIA coalition are given appropriate support. The cycle can only begin by encouraging members of our community to complete the Census and make sure they are heard in the first place. (Note: Deadline is September 30)

The Rise of Asian Americans, an article published by the Pew Research Center in 2013, details the experiences of A/PIAs in various categories, such as income, education, religion, and marriage. This report generally paints a rosy picture of A/PIA achievement with robust data on the six most populous ethnic groups within the A/PIA community: Indian, Chinese, Vietnamese, Filipino, Korean, and Japanese.

However, this report from the Pew Research Center fails to provide data on groups other than the six most populous ethnic groups in the US. Failure to provide data on these groups – many of whom have immigration, education, and employment experiences that are markedly different than the aforementioned ethnic groups – creates roadblocks to properly utilizing data to help the entirety of the A/PIA coalition. A 2016 article from Family Inequality on Asian American expands on these differences and illustrates important disparities in A/PIA income. Using disaggregated income data from the 2014 American Community Survey, the graphic below reveals differences in annual hourly earnings by gender and ethnicity:

The differences between groups are quite drastic and swiftly dismantle any notions of a monolithic racial group. The relative invisibility of low-income A/PIA communities from the collective American consciousness is the first of many reasons why accurate completion of the Census and the assurance of government aid are important to A/PIA communities across the country. Without disaggregated data from the Census, A/PIA communities could potentially fall victim to gross overgeneralization.

The Census takes on personal significance to me as an A/PIA residing in the Midwest. A 2019 NBC News article cites that the Midwest has shown increasingly high rates of A/PIA growth in the past decade. This massive growth can be attributed to increased refugee resettlement in the region within the last decades, comprised mainly of “those of Hmong, Cambodian, Laotian, and Vietnamese descent.” The article additionally states that Iowa and Nebraska received nearly $13 billion in 2016 through federal programs such as Medicaid and food stamps, with 1 in 5 Asian families in both states falling below the poverty line.

Communities such as these struggle with visibility on two fronts: immediate stereotyping as a model minority who are thriving rather than surviving, and neglect by way of their geographic location away from robust enclaves. An inaccurate Census count risks the inability to improperly disaggregate data on the A/PIA community and identify important needs within various ethnic communities.

Convincing large segments of the A/PIA community to participate in the Census will certainly be challenging, and this does not just apply to older generations of A/PIAs who may feel jaded with their relevance to American politics or even suspicious of the federal government’s possession of their data.

As my other cohort members have noted, feelings of political ambivalence are common among first-generation A/PIAs, and these are feelings that are not easily confronted.

However, without an accurate count, communities within our coalition will ultimately suffer, and subsequent attempts to assist segments of the A/PIA coalition will be moot without data that can be properly disaggregated.

In the face of this urgency, I personally find excitement in what the future holds as regions of overlooked A/PIAs across the country begin to make their voices heard – this new energy among Midwestern A/PIAs is precisely why I joined the CLA program in the first place.

With the current Census and the upcoming election, I hope that this year can be the next chapter wherein A/PIAs around the country will mobilize for and with one another.

Nico Santos once said that, “Rising tides lift all boats,” so let us give respect to those whose boats are still struggling to stay afloat.

(About the author: Aber John Espinoza participated in a  six-week internship program for college undergraduates- the CAUSE Leadership Academy)

 AsAmNews has Asian America in its heart. We’re an all-volunteer effort of dedicated staff and interns. Check out our new Instagram account. Go to our Twitter feed and Facebook page for more content. Please consider interning, joining our staff, or submitting a story.

What the US Census has to do with hunger in our schools (AsAmNews)

National school lunch program tackles hunger in our nation’s schools via Wikimedia Creative Commons.

If hunger and attending classes on an empty stomach has taught me anything, it’s that the Census is the one survey that everyone should fill out, whether or not they’re going to be entered in a $50 Amazon raffle.

Growing up in a low-income household, I learned to make do with little. My South-Asian American immigrant parents were focused on getting bills paid. I was expected to fend for myself, while simultaneously tending to my three younger siblings. After making lunches every day for my three brothers, I usually didn’t have enough ingredients or time in the early mornings to make lunch for myself. So, most days, I’d ignore the callings of my stomach. When I did have just enough money for school lunch, there were other issues: there weren’t any options for students with dietary restrictions like me or the food would sell out before I could get to the front of the lunch line. 

This is not my past alone; this was the case for many other Asian Pacific Islander (API) students who hailed from low-income households. We couldn’t partake in the lunchtime food trading circles. While little Karen was trading her PBJ sandwich for three chocolate chip cookies and a pack of goldfish, we played on the slides to keep our minds off our aching tummies. Yet, we knew that when our stomachs would rumble in class after lunch, the “I’m not hungry” we told our more affluent friends would no longer be valid. Even at school, our imaginations weren’t enough to let us escape hunger and the harsh reality of the growing economic instability present in our communities. 

According to a study from the Pew Research Center, Asians are the most economically divided group in the U.S. Even though Asians are the one racial and ethnic group with the highest income in the U.S., it’s not a status all or even most Asian Americans share. The myth that Asians are an ethnic and racial group that is doing well overall adds just distracts from seeing that the standard of living for low-income Asians continues to decline. Out of the data available from this Pew Research Center study, there’s no mention of the PI (Pacific Islander) communities and their income levels. This further shows that there is more accurate counting of people in the API community that is needed. 

Despite how badly the API community needs to be counted in the Census, an article by AAPI Data states that based on The 2020 Census Barriers, Attitudes, and Motivators Study (CBAMS), Asian Americans were the least likely of any racial group to complete the Census. In fact, 41% of Asian Americans in the study were concerned that the answers they provide in the Census will be used against them, rather than to help the AAPI (Asian American Pacific Islander) community be accurately counted.

The study established that out of all the communities of color, Asian American respondents have the most severe problems when it comes to barriers and misconceptions about the Census. The article also discussed a report released in January 2019 by the Census Bureau that uncovered barriers, which if not addressed, would lead to a major exclusion of AAPI people from the Census, resulting in massive problems for all Asian American communities, in addition to “governments, businesses, and nonprofit service providers”.

The evidence is clear: if the AAPI community is not counted in the Census, families like mine, which make up a lot more of the AAPI community than the mainstream media lets on, will continue to struggle. 

One of the many federally funded initiatives for which the US Government uses Census data in order to decide how much money should be allocated towards it, The National School Lunch Program is the reason that students like me are able to go throughout the school day with at least one hot meal.

The lunch program at my high school has now expanded to provide breakfast, lunch, and a “hot supper”. The Census’ data helps improve the organization, function, and efficiency of the program by better funding, which only happens if the population the program serves is counted accurately. Even during COVID-19, the program has provided free, non-contact, meal-pickups at schools. Needless to say: it is crucial that every AAPI person gets counted in the Census. We must do our part to help ourselves and our communities thrive, with a full belly, of course. 

(About the author: Amy Ahmed participated in a  six-week internship program for college undergraduates- the CAUSE Leadership Academy)

AsAmNews has Asian America in its heart. We’re an all-volunteer effort of dedicated staff and interns. Check out our new Instagram account. Go to our Twitter feed and Facebook page for more content. Please consider interning, joining our staff, or submitting a story.

亞美政聯實習生畢典 網上舉行 (World Journal)

前州財長江俊輝出席畢業儀式向學生表示祝賀。(視頻會議截圖)

前州財長江俊輝出席畢業儀式向學生表示祝賀。(視頻會議截圖)

亞美政聯主席胡澤群出席。(視頻會議截圖)

亞美政聯主席胡澤群出席。(視頻會議截圖)

亞美政聯(CAUSE)每年暑假都有參加領導實習計畫的實習生畢業,但今年的實習課程和畢業典禮都通過遠程舉辦,尤為不同。

7月31日,亞美政聯通過zoom给八名實習生舉辦畢業典禮。亞美政聯主席胡澤群表示,由於疫情原因,參加實習的學生們不能像平時一樣去民選官員、非營利組織辦公室工作和學習,但他表示當天的結業儀式不是和亞美政聯關係的終章,亞美政聯在未來將會依舊為學生們提供資源,包括人脈、指導以及組織的理事們都會在這裡。

這次的實習項目略有不同,實習生們遠程參加了許多講座和討論會,整個暑假項目一同完成一些人口普查的宣傳工作。在畢業典禮上,學生門展示了工作成果。作為高中剛畢業或大學就讀的年輕學子,他們通過社群媒體鼓勵民眾積極參與人口普查。胡澤群表示,以往在畢業典禮上都會授予畢業證書,但今年若只是電郵一份畢業證書給學生們又顯太遺憾,因此每位學生都有機會分享自己的感想。

前加州財務長江俊輝出席畢業儀式向學生表示祝賀,他鼓勵學生要去改變社會的「演算法」(algorithm),演算法是人寫的,無論是從科學還是文化方面,要去影響譜寫這個社會所用的「語言」,從而能讓這個社會對每一個人都更具有意義。

江俊輝表示,最近看到許多的抗議運動,尤其這一代年輕人積極走上街頭,令他受到鼓舞,因為這也是他年輕時會去做的事。今天的學生們有許多優秀的前輩學習和指導,但也要將自己的才能和專業發揮出來。尤其是在當下的特殊疫情期間,各專業的人才都可以有幫到社會的地方。

他表示,領導人也有「一窩蜂心態」(herd mentality)。美國雖是世界強國,卻在這次疫情表現最失敗,這是因為領導者對國際變化缺乏理解。因此了解並具有多元文化背景的年輕人,應勇於推動邊界,挑戰觀念陳舊不願改變的上一代人。總是那些受過良好教育的年輕人們,在推動著美國未來的成功。

目前在洛杉磯加大就讀的華裔實習生林函表示,以往說到亞裔只是想到華裔,這次通過實習感受到亞太裔的多元,對亞太裔歷史和特有問題有了更深了解,並探索了自己的亞太裔身分。她也深受鼓舞,希望社區能有更多關於公民參與的討論。

亞美政聯通過zoom给八名實習生舉辦畢業典禮。(視頻會議截圖)

亞美政聯通過zoom给八名實習生舉辦畢業典禮。(視頻會議截圖)

亞太裔 僅一成支持學校全面重開 (World Journal)

作為加州人口增速最快的少數族裔,亞太裔(APA)在加州社會中的聲音越來越重要。(unsplash圖片)

作為加州人口增速最快的少數族裔,亞太裔(APA)在加州社會中的聲音越來越重要。(unsplash圖片)

亞美政聯主席胡澤群(圖片來源:百人會網站)

亞美政聯主席胡澤群(圖片來源:百人會網站)

近日,亞美政聯(CAUSE)聯手戰略諮詢公司Strategies 360,共同完成了2020年加州亞太裔民意調查,重點關注了疫情下亞太裔對經濟重開以及族裔關係的看法。調查結論顯示,疫情下多數亞太裔對其他族裔的同情心與同理心更強,並且對經濟與學校重開持謹慎態度。

亞美政聯主席胡澤群(Charlie Woo)表示,在目前艱難時期,亞太裔社區理應在解決社會問題上擔負起領導角色。而此次民調的目的就是通過追蹤加州居民對目前社會的熱點問題的觀點變化,來更好地了解少數族裔社區在加州的生活感受。這也是亞美政聯與西裔和非裔社區第一次合作完成的民意調查。 

在對加州族裔關係的看法上,有一半的亞太裔受訪者表示自己能感到被他人歧視,較之新冠疫情爆發前增長了約8%。而認為加州族裔關係很好或良好的亞太裔居民也從疫情前的57%下降至44%。這一變化與亞太裔在新冠疫情期間因被部分公眾人物與其他族裔當成「新冠替罪羊」 而頻繁遭到歧視和種族攻擊有關。與此同時,胡澤群也表示,相比於在面對種族歧視時更傾向息事寧人的老一代亞太裔,新生代的亞裔不但對種族歧視更加敏感,也敢於站出來鬥爭。

遭受種族歧視的經歷也使亞太裔更加同情和理解其他少數族裔在社會中遭遇的不公正待遇。在本次的民意調查中,亞太裔居民普遍認為,有超過七成的非裔與西裔居民在日常生活中會遭遇種族歧視。與此同時,在對其他族裔的加州居民的調查中,有68%的加州居民認為,亞裔也要面對種族歧視問題,較之2月份上升了13%。這表明在目前的族裔關係下,不同族裔社區之間的同理心和同情心增強了,對抗種族主義逐漸成為了不同族裔社區間的共識。

在對待警察的態度上,有54%的亞太裔受訪者認為,目前的警察存在系統性的種族歧視問題。但同時僅有5%的亞太裔受訪者支持部分抗議者提出的解散警局的觀點。79%的亞太裔受訪者支持對警局進行改革。改革方式包括改進警方訓練項目和將部分警局資金分配到其它社會項目上。儘管一個月前的抗議活動讓許多亞裔對社會治安產生擔憂,依然有56%的亞太裔受訪者認為,抗議活動讓不同族裔間的關係更近了。

在對待經濟與學校重開的問題上,儘管眾多服務業和零售業的亞裔居民在疫情下遭遇了嚴重經濟打擊,但依然有77%的亞太裔受訪者擔心,政府在經濟重開計劃上操之過急。74%的亞太裔受訪者認為,疫情最嚴重的時候尚未到來。在學校重開問題上,有47%的亞太裔受訪者支持學校繼續採取全部遠程教學法,33%的亞太裔受訪者支持學校有限開放,僅有11%的亞太裔受訪者支持全面重開學校。

胡澤群表示,亞太裔雖然在新冠疫情下受到了嚴重的經濟衝擊,但是多數亞太裔對家人和社區衛生健康的關注依然高過其對經濟問題的擔憂。在疫情早期,許多亞裔因為通過在亞洲的親屬得知新冠疫情的嚴重性,因此早早的做好了防疫準備。而隨後美國疫情的發展趨勢也證明了亞裔在防疫上的謹慎態度是正確的。

胡澤群最後表示,希望這項民意調查能夠加強亞太裔在加州的政治聲音,使主流社會能夠更加關注亞太裔對現存社會問題的聲音,同時也希望越來越多的亞裔能夠關注公共政策問題,一起努力為社會的發展和改善提供解決方案。

Poll: Majority Asian Americans believe race relations have worsened, feel unhopeful about COVID-19 recovery (Asian Journal)

Photo by Rolande PG on Unsplash

Photo by Rolande PG on Unsplash

The survey also found that the majority of Asian Americans support recent protests, police reform

The coronavirus pandemic has been the singular, collective constant of 2020.

The virus has been, not only an issue of public health and safety in a medical sense, but also in a cultural sense, dredging up familiar tones of anti-Asian, especially anti-Chinese, racism and xenophobia that blames the Asian community for the pandemic.

Then the recent uproar over-policing and systemic racism brought on by the high-profile killings of unarmed Black individuals came to the fore, broadening the scope of community discussions on the state of racial equality (or lack thereof) in America.

The Center for Asian Americans United for Self-Empowerment (CAUSE) — partnered with Hispanas Organized for Political Equality (HOPE) and Los Angeles Urban League — conducted a recent poll that sought to gauge the Asian Pacific American (APA) response (as well as those from other ethnic groups) to the COVID-19 situation in the United States as well as the ongoing conversations and proposals related to policing and systemic racism.

The two-part poll series comprises responses from 1,184 adults across California.

“These historic series of polls track the shifts in Californians’ attitudes towards some of our state’s most pressing issues, and we now have a more vivid picture of how communities of color are feeling in California,” said CAUSE Board Member and poll director Dan Schnur. “This is the first time that organizations representing these three communities have teamed up on a project like this one, and we’re honored that CAUSE was able to play such an instrumental role in bringing this coalition together.”

The poll, which is a comparative poll to one that was conducted in February, found that 86% of respondents were “worried about themselves or their immediate family contracting COVID-19,” and 74% of APAs in California believed that the worst of COVID-19 has yet to come to the Golden State.

If the spike in COVID-19 cases continues in California, 76% of APAs believe that the economy will continue to deteriorate and 77% believe that the government was reopening and lifting safer-at-home restrictions too quickly. (On the flip side, 16% were more concerned that the restrictions were being lifted too slowly.)

“In these difficult times, California’s Asian Pacific community can and should play a leadership role in taking on the state’s most pressing challenges and working together toward necessary solutions,” CAUSE Board Chair Charlie Woo said in a statement.

In regards to race relations, 44% of APAs would describe race relations in America as “excellent” or “good,” a 13-point decrease from February when 57% expressed that view.

Moreover, since the beginning of the pandemic, 50% of APAs feel or have felt personal discrimination from others, which is up from February’s 42%.

As for the overall issue of anti-Asian racism, 68% of APAs in California now recognize that Asians are and can be targets of racism.

“COVID-19 has ignited widespread discrimination and hate crimes towards Asian Americans, which has evidently affected their perception of race relations. Asian Americans have become more aware of the discrimination against their own communities, as well as against other communities of color,” said Woo. “The fact that more Californians [now] recognize Asian Pacific Americans don’t just fit in as model minorities, but also are discriminated against and face challenges too, shows huge progress.”

APAs also expressed awareness of discrimination towards other groups, with 77% believing that African Americans “frequently or sometimes” face racism; 70% believe the same for the Latino community.

In terms of anti-Black racism in policing — and the overall impact that police have on American society — 54% of APAs believe that the police’s use of brute, fatal force against unarmed Black individuals were examples of systemic racism, “whereas 31% believe these are isolated incidents,” the poll read.

A whopping 79% of APAs support police reform, but 33% of APAs prefer the disinvestment of police in favor of funding and allocating some police responsibilities to other government agencies.

In regards to the recent protests which brought together people from all racial and ethnic backgrounds, 56% of APAs found that the protests have promoted racial unity and optimism for a more inclusive America. (Klarize Medenilla/AJPress)

Should you send your child back to school? Parents are stressed and divided (Los Angeles Times)

Natalie Burge, a teacher at Giano Intermediate School in West Covina, sits in her empty classroom. Officials are debating whether to reopen campuses in the fall.(Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)

Natalie Burge, a teacher at Giano Intermediate School in West Covina, sits in her empty classroom. Officials are debating whether to reopen campuses in the fall.

(Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)

Weeks before the start of school, Californians are deeply split over whether campuses can safely reopen amid the ongoing coronavirus surge — caught in a collective moment of uncertainty and anxiety also reflected among teachers and education leaders.

Parents, as indicated in a new statewide poll, are grappling with the prospect of stressful, less effective learning at home — not to mention continued child care woes — and fears that children exposed at school could bring COVID-19 and its potentially deadly risks into their home.

Similar concerns among school workers are expected to crystallize in Los Angeles on Friday morning when the teachers union will recommend a delay in reopening campuses tentatively planned for Aug. 18. For now, learning from home — in place since mid-March — should continue, union leaders said.

The California Teachers Assn. on Thursday made a similar but less explicit statement, saying that conditions for keeping students safe have not been satisfied statewide.

L.A. school officials have not yet made a final decision other than to say that instruction will begin on the first day of school, one way or another.

Yolanda Ford-Swinton, who cares for an 8-year-old granddaughter, exemplifies the angst.

“I do think she needs to go back at least some of the time,” said Ford-Swinton, whose granddaughter attends Cowan Avenue Elementary in the Westchester neighborhood of Los Angeles. “But I’m so afraid because I don’t know what’s going to be in place.”

“Will everyone be tested for COVID-19 when they enter? If they have a fever, will they be sent home? Will there be a full-time nursing staff? It just creates a level of stress.”

Overall, Californians are closely split on whether to continue with distance learning or go ahead with a limited reopening, according to the poll, which was conducted in consultation with The Times.

About 4 in 10 California adults want to stick with full-time distance learning this fall. A similarly sized group favors a limited reopening with students in school on alternating days or on half-day schedules. The staggered schedule would allow schools to comply with social distancing requirements, which typically require students to remain six feet apart.

Fewer than 2 in 10 support having students attend classes full time in person on a daily basis — even if they follow social distancing guidelines, the poll found.

Respondents took part online in the California Community Poll from June 26 through July 6. The survey was commissioned by the Center for Asian Americans United for Self Empowerment, Hispanas Organized for Political Equality and the Los Angeles Urban League. Strategies 360, a California-based polling and political strategy firm, polled 1,184 adult citizens. The margin of sampling error is 3 percentage points.

The question of when and how to reopen campuses has divided experts and roiled politics up to the White House, with President Trump this week threatening to withhold funding for schools that don’t open and challenging the advice of his own experts. He questioned the need for social distancing and labeled the safety guidelines from the national Centers for Disease Control and Prevention as too tough, expensive and impractical. The CDC on Thursday refused to change its guidance.

“It’s clear that most Americans are much more conflicted about how to proceed — whether it’s about wearing a mask or sending their children to school — given the wide range of messages they’re hearing from their elected leaders,” poll director Dan Schnur said.

California officials are contemplating, at best, a hybrid format, with students combining online sessions and work-at-home materials with part-time classes on campuses in small groups.

Alberta Brinson Moore of Leimert Park explained her conflicted sentiments. Her 15-year-old son was “having the time of his life” at Dorsey High School, playing soccer, earning almost all A’s and making friends, despite having to work through attention deficit hyperactivity and a speech disorder.

Since the pandemic, he’s had only three speech sessions, and none of his online instruction has been live: “My son really needs some kind of social engagement.”

“But I’m a realist — we have to see what the numbers are,” she added, referring to the county’s spike in coronavirus infections.

Moore, 58, has diabetes and high blood pressure, and she recently received radiation treatment for breast cancer.

“I’m the person that — something happens, it’s not just gonna be a sniffle,” she said.

In the poll, undertaken before Trump began touting reopening schools, residents of Los Angeles, Orange and San Diego counties — where the toll from COVID-19 has been heaviest — were significantly more in favor of keeping students off campus than residents of other parts of the state.

The poll found only small differences between parents and non-parents on the issue, but significant differences among different groups of parents. Among parents earning more than $75,000, about 3 in 10 supported a full reopening this fall. Among parents earning less than $75,000, only half as many supported reopening.

Black and Asian Pacific American parents were especially supportive of sticking with distance learning, with half or more in those groups in favor. Latino parents were most in favor of a partial reopening, with nearly half supporting that option. Whites, who have been less likely than Black people or Latinos to be hit by the virus, were the most evenly divided, with about 1 in 5 backing a full reopening.

Moreover, the political polarization that has divided Americans on nearly everything in recent years reinforces an urban-rural split, the poll found. Self-identified Republicans and conservatives, who are more likely to live in non-urban parts of the state, were much more likely to back reopening than were Democrats and liberals.

“These poll numbers show that Trump’s call for a full reopening is most popular with men, seniors and rural white voters,” Schnur said. “Trump will almost certainly not win California in November, but the demographic groups that are most supportive of opening the schools are the voters he needs to win in more competitive states.”

But for most — including education leaders — the issues are more pragmatic than political.

“It seems to me that we are ill-prepared for the reopening of schools,” said Lynwood Supt. Gudiel R. Crosthwaite. “Given the increase in rates not only in Southern California but throughout the country, it seems almost irresponsible for schools to open.”

Lennox School District Supt. Scott Price said he’s been involved in discussions with leaders of other school systems and some expect they’ll be ready with some form of hybrid learning, while others say they probably will need to start the school year using distance learning. His school system is working out its strategy for the fall.

Las Virgenes Unified, which straddles the border of Ventura and L.A. counties, announced Thursday that it would offer both a hybrid schedule and online-only instruction — not that it will be easy. The district already has spent $850,000 on safety and health enhancements, while cutting its districtwide budget.

“We’re still running about 70% to 30% in favor of being on campus.” Supt. Dan Stepenosky said. “Schools are critical for both public health and the economy. ... If we don’t open or don’t do it right, both the public health and economy will struggle.”

Antonio Mendez can attest to the economic hardship.

An independent trucker who lives in the San Diego area, Mendez took on responsibility for supervising his children’s studies while his wife holds onto her credit union job. He doesn’t have anyone besides his mother to watch his sons, ages 7 and 12, and he doesn’t want to risk exposing her.

“I don’t want to send my kids to school if there’s any threat of them catching this,” Mendez said.

For now, he wouldn’t feel comfortable even with a partial reopening of schools: “When I go pick up the groceries, I see people outside with no masks on. Those people might have kids. If they’re acting that irresponsibly … and I’ve gotta send my kids to school with those children, I’m not doing that.”

But Danielle Simmons, of San Bernardino, says her children, ages 7 and 10, need to get back to something as close to normal as possible.

“The distance learning,” Simmons said, “it really is a headache.”

Though Del Rosa Elementary provided a laptop and iPad, the family had problems signing into Google Classroom and muting microphones, eating up time and causing frustration.

Besides, her children “need that interaction. ... They need to get out of the house and go back to what they’re familiar to,” she said.

But she will also consider whether the school is operating safely and will keep watch for spikes in the virus, she said.

“Remote education doesn’t work very well for very many kids,” especially for young children and low-income families, said Jesse Rothstein, a professor of public policy and economics at UC Berkeley, who’s had to help manage schoolwork for his own children at home. All the same, “you can’t go to schools if it’s not safe.”

And when it comes to the coronavirus, “there’s a lot of science that we don’t understand.”